According to the 1870 federal census, one percent of the people owned 72 percent of all the wealth in the great industrial city of Pittsburgh.  What’s more, just half of these wealthiest one percent (0.5% of the population) owned 59 percent, well more than half of all the wealth in historic Pittsburgh.  In fact, all of the net wealth in the city was held by just ten percent of the city’s population.  Simply put, the top ten wealthiest people in Pittsburgh owned nearly fifteen percent of the city that was at the time the heart of the nation’s growing industrial might.

There are those who have more than others.  True then and true now.  According to the World Institute for Development Economics Research, the wealthiest two percent of people globally own more than half of all the household wealth on the planet.  Half of those (just 1%) own more than 40% of global assets, while fully 85% of those global assets are held by the wealthiest top ten percent of us.  Within the United States, a similarly unequal distribution of wealth continues to exist.  The wealthiest 400 Americans (.001% or one thousandth of the population) own about 2.5% of U.S. wealth.  The wealthiest ten percent of Americans own 70% of the wealth in this country, and the top tenth of those (1% of U.S. population) hold 35% of the nation’s wealth.  In the dry language of the Census Bureau, this wealth inequality is described like this:

The distribution of wealth in the United States has a large positive skew, with relatively few households holding a large proportion of the wealth.

While it’s true that there is more economic equality within the United States today than there was in late nineteenth century Pittsburgh, and inequality within the United States is less than the inequality between the world’s wealthiest and the planet’s poorest, it remains staggeringly unequal.  Among developed nations, only Switzerland bests the United States in the percent of a nation’s wealth owned by the wealthiest ten percent of the population with its top ten percent owning 71% of Swiss wealth.  In the UK, the top ten percent own 56%, and in neighboring Canada, the top ten percent own 53% of the country’s wealth.

We read about the staggering fortunes of the most wealthy among us every year about this time when Forbes magazine releases its annual Forbes list of the wealthiest people in the world.  The global news media trumpets the jostling transitions of those at the top.  Headlines blare:

Gates Edged Out as World’s Richest Man

and

Mexico’s Slim a Born Wheeler and Dealer

and

Meet the World’s New Richest Man

As interesting and insightful as these facts about the wealthiest among us, what about those at the lower end of the ladder?  What about the 85% of the 1870 population in Pittsburgh that had no net worth, or the 80% of contemporary Americans who own only 15% of the wealth in the country, or indeed about the 50% of the global population who own less than 1% of its wealth?

The Insight Center for Community Economic Development recently released a report that examines the net worth of those 85% of Americans with less wealth combined than the top quintile of Americans.   By examining the 2007 Survey of Consumer Finances, they found that African-American women in the United States during their prime working years between 36 and 49 have a median net worth of only $5.  Yes, that’s right.  The 36-49 year old African-American woman at the very middle of the distribution from the poorest to the wealthiest of 36-49 year old African-American women has a net worth of less than the cost of a Venti Frappuccino at Starbucks.  While half have more wealth than that, half have even less.

Reports like these almost never make the news, although my hometown Pittsburgh Post-Gazette newspaper’s Tim Grant did write about it :

In a groundbreaking report released Monday by a leading economic research group, social scientists turned a spotlight on the grave financial challenges facing an often overlooked group of women, many of whom could not take an unpaid sick day or repair a major appliance without going into debt.

“The popular image is they spend too much, which is the reason they are running up credit card and consumer debt, but the cost of living has risen faster than income, and they need to go into debt for basic daily necessities,” Ms. Lui said. “It’s compounded because unemployment is twice as high in the black community than it is in the white community.”

For all working-age black women 18 to 64, the financial picture is bleak. Their median household wealth is only $100. Hispanic women in that age group have a median wealth of $120.

There aren’t more mainstream media stories written about reports like these that call out the staggering inequality in America, because they make everyone feel badly.  Who wants that?

In fact, recent research suggests that, whether we read about it in the news or not, we do badly, all of us, because of it.  Epidemiologists Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett show in a well-reviewed work that all sorts of woes from social ills like drugs and violence to health problems like obesity and mental illness affect everyone in highly unequal societies more than those in less unequal societies.

Figure 1: Income inequality is the ratio of the wealth of the top 20% compared to the lowest 20% in each country. Health and social problems is an index of mental illness, trust, life expectancy, infant mortality, obesity, educational performance, teenage birth, homicide, imprisonment, and social mobility.

The chart in Figure 1 shows that there is a very clear relationship between social and health problems in a country and the extent of economic inequality within that country.  In Canada, for instance, where the top ten percent own 53% of the country’s wealth, health and social problems are significantly lower than in the United States where the top ten percent own 70% of the country’s wealth.  In Norway, where the top 10 percent hold a still substantial but lower 50% of the country’s wealth, social and health problems are lower still.  Even more importantly, however, is that the distribution of wealth in countries like the UK, Canada, and Norway is not only less concentrated at the top of the scale, it is also less diluted at the bottom end of the scale through strong social safety nets.

Figure 2: There is no relationship between a nation's wealth and social and health problems.

Further, what isn’t  indicative of fewer social and health problems is more wealth.  Figure 2 shows this same index of social and health problems plotted against national income per person.  As you can see, there is no relationship between the wealth of a nation and the social and health problems of its people, while there is a strong relationship between the extent of economic inequality within a nation and the social and health problems there.  As you can see from Figure 2, the United States clearly has the most wealth and the most health and social problems.  Portugal, on the other hand, is not far behind in the index of health and social problems in second place, but has the lowest national income per person.  What Portugal does share with the United States, as seen back in Figure 1, is a very high degree of economic inequality.  Norway, however, has the second highest amount of national income per person and yet ranks third lowest on the index of social and health problems.  Unsurprisingly, Norway also has the third lowest extent of income inequality as seen in Figure 1.  Clearly, there is no relationship between the wealth of a nation and the social and health problems of its people.  Just as clearly, there is a strong relationship between economic inequality in a country and the amount of health and social problems occurring there.

Figure 3: National mental illness rates and income inequality are related

This relationship is also apparent for the individual components like mental health of the social and health index.  Once again, Figure 3 shows the United States leading the pack in both income inequality and this time in the percent of its population with mental illness.  Countries like Belgium with significantly lower income inequality or Japan with the lowest extent of inequality both rank near or at the bottom of the scale for the percent of their population with mental health problems.

Is there some sort of confounding variable present in seemingly disparate countries like Belgium and Japan that isn’t present in the United States and Portugal that could possibly explain these disparities better than economic inequality could?  Is there, as they say, something in the water?  If so, there is no evidence to support that or anything else.  There is, however, this strong evidence that economic inequality does significantly impact the extent of social and health problems in a society.

Why is this? Why does economic inequality make everyone in a society do worse than they would otherwise?  What are the mechanisms by which inequality drives social and health problems?  Wilkinson and Pickett suggest three of them based on documented scientific insights.

First, humans are by nature cooperative.  Of course, we aren’t always cooperative, and some of us are more cooperative than others.  Nevertheless, we are as a species far more cooperative than others and a comparison with our closest relatives highlights just how cooperative we naturally are.

Consider the gestural point.  Sticking your index finger out and perhaps extending your arm towards a distant object is universally understood by humans from a very early age to signify that the person pointing is pointing at something that he or she wants the other person to notice.  Everyone knows this “Hey, look at that delicous cake” meaning of pointing, including, interestingly, your dog.  I can point to the piece of toast that my daughter has dropped on the kitchen floor, and my dog will easily understand that this means that I’m pointing to food that she can eat.  But no other species besides our dogs and ourselves know that that is what we are communicating when we point like that.  If you were to point like that to a chimpanzee, maybe by pointing towards a bunch of bananas in your grocery store bag, the chimpanzee would not understand what you meant.

This has nothing to do with prior training, but instead has to do with the fact that chimpanzees and other non-human primates are not cooperative.  The chimpanzee would not realize that there were those bananas in that bag until you began to grab them yourself.  In order to understand the declarative pointing gesture, you must first be able to assume that the pointer is trying to cooperate rather than compete with you.  Your dog gets this.  An infant human already knows this, but a non-human primate will never understand this.

Figure 4: Trusting others and income inequality are inversely related.

Humans (and our best friends) are uniquely cooperative.  As Naomi Eisenberger and Matthew Lieberman’s recent research at UCLA has shown, when we experience social exclusion, the same neural network is activated in our brains that is activated by physical pain.  Broken hearts and hurt feelings are real social forms of pain to humans.  Unequal societies have more of this social pain, less social support, and, as Figure 4 shows, less of that cooperative trust than more equal societies.

Secondly, even though we are considerably cooperative, we are also quite social.  Like other primates, we strive for status and part of us would relish being top dog.  We measure our own standing against that of others.  Consider that all of the graphs and discussion of the distribution of wealth in societies just in this article alone are essentially all ways of measuring people against one another socially.

Our self-esteem is linked to the ways in which other people rank and measure us.  We’d all like to be so self-assured that winning and losing didn’t matter, but the reality is that these things matter a great deal to all of us.  It’s part of life as a human.  Over two hundred scientific experiments have been conducted on the amounts that levels of cortisol, one of the primary stress hormones, rise in response to specific stressors, and it has been found by Sally Dickerson and Margaret Kearney at UCLA that performance judgements that threaten our social status or self-esteem and over which performance we have little or no control, such as running late to an important sales meeting but being stuck in traffic, “provoked larger and more reliable cortisol” than any other kind of stress.  We’ve all been in situations in which our performance was important, but no matter how hard we tried, we could never measure up.  These are stressful situations while we’re experiencing them, and afterwards often become depressing memories we’d rather not remember.

As Robert Sapolsky’s and many others’ research has shown, these high cortisol levels from psychological stress take an enormous toll on our bodies.  Elevated cortisol levels raise blood sugar and blood pressure.  While under the psychological stress of avoiding being eaten by a big stalking lion on the African savanna, these physiological changes are highly adaptive, enabling us to run faster and jump higher.  While sitting at a desk in an office worrying about taxes or retirement, these elevated cortisol levels lead to obesity and heart disease.

Quite simply, we want to be as good as those around us, and when we can’t, it stresses us out, which leads to a whole host of social and health problems from early onset puberty to drug use to violence to mental illness, several of which, because cortisol passes through the placental barrier, are passed on from mothers to children in utero.

Of course, we employ strategies like working hard to reach the top of the social ladder or at least avoid the bottom rungs.  Consequently, as several studies have shown, people work longer hours in more unequal societies.  We also know that, whether through birth, skin color, or simple luck, sheer hard work does not always correspond well to economic success or social status.  Does the Wall Street banker or Hilton heiress work harder than the Midwestern roofer?  People in more unequal societies also tend to borrow more on credit than those in more equal societies as an alternative strategy to keep up with the Joneses.  That keeping up is a whole lot easier when the Joneses of society are more rather than less like us.

Figure 5: There is a strong relationship between teen pregnancy and economic inequality.

Thirdly, Jay Belsky of Penn State, Laurence Steinberg of Temple, and Patricia Draper of Penn State found that when people learn as children that others are “opportunistic and self-serving and [that] resources are scarce and/or unpredictable,” they reach puberty earlier, become sexually active earlier, form more short-term relationships, and make less of an investment in their own parenting.  By contrast, those who learn as children that “others are trustworthy, relationships are enduring and mutually rewarding and resources [are] more or less constantly available” reach puberty later, defer sexual activity longer, form more long-term relationships, and make a greater investment in their own parenting.  As seen in Figure 5, a comparison of teen pregnancy rates across countries with more or less economic inequality bears this out.

All of the social and health problems that comprise Wilkinson and Pickett’s social and health index are certainly well-known and much-discussed topics in the United States.  It certainly isn’t an issue of a lack of awareness of these problems.  Rather, as Wilkinson and Pickett state:

Every problem is seen as needing its own solution — unrelated to others.  People are encouraged to take exercise, not to have unprotected sex, to say no to drugs, to try to relax, to sort-out their work-life balance, and to give their children ‘quality’ time.  The only thing that many of these policies do have in common is that they often seem to be based on the belief that the poor need to be taught to be more sensible.  The glaringly obvious fact that these problems have common roots in inequality and relative depravation disappears from view.

Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Pittsburgh was filled with advice on how the grinding poverty, high crime, and excessive mortality experienced by the majority of the city’s residents could be cured by stopping the idleness of its working classes and teaching them self-improvement.  They had filthy habits, played too much baseball, and drank too much beer.  Instead, they should, reformers insisted, strive for refinement and betterment through walks across green fields, literature reading, and art appreciation.  So, Andrew Carnegie and others in the top one-half of one percent of Pittsburgh’s wealthiest built libraries, museums, and garden parks for those toiling for pennies in their mills and foundries twelve hours a day seven days a week.

Pittsburgh’s wonderful public libraries, stunning museums, and beautiful city parks are indeed valuable additions to civic life in the city.  Yet, we also know that the root of many of these social and health problems lies not in a lack of refinement and beauty, but in a lack of equality.  There are those who have more than others.  True then, true now, and likely to be true throughout our future.  However, it is not the existence of a gap between the richest and the poorest that appears to matter most, it is the extent to which that gap gapes that affects us all.  Certainly, much more could and should be done to make life more secure and less stressful for those on the bottom, because doing so would benefit us all.

Hillary Clinton Marches in the 2008 St. Patrick's Day Parade in Pittsburgh on March 15th, 2008. Photo by Matthew David Carter.

On March 15, 2008 Hillary Clinton walked in Pittsburgh’s St. Patrick’s Day Parade.  Throughout the latter half of March and most all of April she was waging an intense campaign throughout Pennsylvania to win the commwealth’s Democratic delegates in her bid for the Democratic Party’s Presidential nominee.  She marched the parade route surrounded by local polititians like Mayor Luke Ravenstahl and Allegheny County Executive Dan Onorato and a phalanx of Secret Service officers, but she was preceded by a small army of local supporters, one of whom is pictured below.  This particular supporter was gesturing angrily at an Obama-supporting couple standing next to me.

Hillary Clinton Marches in the 2008 St. Patrick's Day Parade in Pittsburgh on March 15, 2008. From left to right: Allegheny County Executive Dan Onorato, Senator Hillary Clinton, and Mayor Luke Ravenstahl. Photo by Matthew David Carter.

The St. Patrick’s Day Parade in Pittsburgh is one of the largest in America.

Hillary Clinton for Democratic Presidential Nominee supporter marching in the 2008 St. Patrick's Day Parade in Pittsburgh, PA 15 March 2008. Photo by Matthew David Carter.

The College and University Personnel Association — HR (CUPA-HR) 2009 salary survey unsurprisingly shows salaries for academic historians have remained relatively flat over the past year.  Overall, there’s slight annual growth in each category with the largest growth, surprisingly, in the new assitant professor hires category.  Robert Townsend of the AHA says that this is the smallest annual growth for academic historians in the last fifteen years.  He also points out that

the staff at CUPA—HR note that any upward growth can be seen as positive at a time when the Consumer Price Index for the past year was negative (indicating the costs of goods and services fell by 0.4 percent). But many historians are undoubtedly wondering where these gains are occurring in the midst of widespread salary freezes and furloughs. Their survey confirms that almost one-third of all faculty members in continuing positions saw a decline in their salaries, though they do not provide a specific estimate for historians.

2009-2010 CUPA-HR Salary Survey of Academic Historians.

Steelers Legend Franco Harris During the 2008 St. Patrick's Day Parade. Pittsburgh, PA March 15, 2008. Photo by Matthew David Carter

Franco Harris is a Hall of Fame American football player and a famous Pittsburgh Steeler.  The signature moment of his professional football career and the stuff of Pittsburgh sports legend was catching the football thrown from quarterback Terry Bradshaw down near his feet while running during one of the 4 Superbowls that the Pittsburgh Steelers won during the 1970s.  This catch is known locally and throughout the NFL fandom as “The Immaculate Reception.”

Franco Harris marched in the 2008 St. Patrick’s Day parade wearing a campaign sticker for Obama during the heated Pennsylvania primary election for the Democratic candidate for President.  As I recall, this marked the first public appearance by Franco, in which there was an explicit endoresement of candidate Obama.  Franco’s son Dok would later run unsuccessfully for mayor in Pittsburgh as an independent in 2009.

I photographed the 2008 St. Patrick’s Day Parade in Pittsburgh.  This parade in Pittsburgh is one of the largest St. Paddy’s Day parades in America.

Trampled Obama Campaign Sign Following St. Patrick's Day Parade March 15, 2008 in Pittsburgh, PA. Photo by Matthew David Carter.

On March 15, 2008 I photographed the St. Patrick’s Day parade in Pittsburgh.  This large annual parade in Pittsburgh is one of the largest in the country, and this year it fell in the midst of a Democratic primary for President in Pennsylvania that was surprisingly unsettled by this point.  Both the Clnton and Obama campaigns were out in force among the crowd during the parade.  In fact, Senator Hillary Clinton walked in the parade.  These green O’bama campaign signs were being handed out and waved about by very sincere young campaign volunteers.  This one was left on the sidewalk where it was walked on by revelers leaving the morning parade.

For its advocacy in protecting and restoring historic Ellwood Manor, the Friends of Wilderness Battlefield, a civil war preservation, advocacy, and education non-profit received the Chairman’s Award for achievement in historic preservation by the Civil War Preservation Trust on Thursday March 4th, 2010. This marks the first time that this award, which is designated to recognize individuals and organizations that have had a tremendous impact on historic preservation, has been given.

Zann Nelson, president of the Friends of the Wilderness Battlefield, said that the organization is

extremely proud and awed that we are the first recipient of this award. The Civil War Preservation Trust board has set the standard, and in their estimation we’ve met that standard. It’s a very high honor. Friends of the Wilderness Battlefield is the most extraordinary all-volunteer organization I have ever had the opportunity to work alongside. The tireless efforts of the hundreds of volunteers, individually and collectively, have earned the organization this wonderful recognition.

Ellwood Manor. Photo by Friends of Wilderness Battlefield.

Ellwood Manor is a circa 1790s home built by William Jones that sits on the American Civil War Wilderness Battlefield site in Spotsylvania and Orange counties.  It was a Confederate recovery hospital in 1863 following the battle at Chancellorsville and later during 1864, the house’s parlor served as headquarters for Union General Gouverneur K. Warren.  Both General Robert E. Lee and General Ulysses S. Grant were at the house during this tumultuous period.  The Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park now owns Ellwood.

Professor Alfred Crosby’s 1986 book Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 is an earlier example of environmental history.  Crosby asserts that Europeans, with their command and control of ocean navigation brought swifter regime change to the ecosystems of their colonial worlds.  From smallpox to rats to oranges, Europeans picked up indigenous flora and fauna and quickly transplanted them around the world.  Of course, Europeans were not the first invaders the planet has ever seen, but Crosby’s point is that they were the first humans to be both widespread and fast in global ecological regime changing.

It is an important and influential read.  However, as one might expect from a 308 page large-type book covering a thousand years of global history, this is history in broad strokes.  From the prologue:

North America, southern South America, Australia, and New Zealand are far from Europe in distance but have climates similar to hers, and European flora and fauna, including human beings, can thrive in these regions if the competition is not too fierce.  In general, the competition has been mild.  On the pampa, Iberian horses and cattle have driven back the guanaco and rhea; in North America, speakers of Indo-European languages have overwhelmed speakers of Algonkin and Muskhogean languages and other Amerindian languages; in the antipodes, the dandelions and house cats of the Old World have marched forward, and kangaroo grass and kiwis have retreated.  Why? Perhaps European humans have triumphed because of their superiority in arms, organization, and fanaticism, but what in heaven’s name is the reason that the sun never sets on the empire of the dandelion?  Perhaps the success of European imperialism has a biological, an ecological, component.

The Cottage Garden by Christopher Lloyd  & Richard Bird provides a good overview of traditional English cottage gardens, complete with illustrations, sample design types, and practical advice.  Christopher Lloyd was a favorite garden writer in Britain for most of the twentieth century, and in this book he distills much of what he likes about traditional cottage gardens as well as what he dislikes about more contemporary attempts at historical reconstruction of them.

He is particularly bothered by the usual absence of vegetable gardening in contemporary planned cottage gardens.  In the traditional cottage garden, there was almost always an almost rigidly ordered vegetable garden at the back of the house, while most contemporary reconstructions stick basically to flower and shrub collections.  I think this is important to highlight as well, since the cottagers who both created and relied on cottage gardens used them as an important contributor to their diets.  This is why it would not have been surprising to find bees, chickens, and pigs in a historic cottage garden.

This is a good book for an overview of the authentic English cottage garden style with a decent discussion of its roots along with practical tips on how to recreate that familiar scene of a tidy mess.

The essence of a cottage garden as it has come down to us through the ages is a bountiful yet regulated informality.  It has evolved through common sense, combines need with enjoyment and is entirely unpretentious.  The layout could be said to be formal, as the front path invariably leads straight from the gate to the door.  Vegetables, of course, are planted in neat rows, as are currant and gooseberry bushes, strawberries, and raspberry canes.  But the flowers are a happy jumble.

Cultural Resource Management (CRM) is the largest employer of archaeologists and public historians in the United States and is currently the only employment sector for archeologists and historians that is growing rather than continuing a long-term decline.  This is also, apparently, the case in Sweden.

One of the peculiar aspects to CRM’s rise is that it began its ascent largely as a recipe of social engineering to solve the political dilemna of preservation and development.  Stefan Larsson’s paper about Sweden’s largest contract archaeology company UV as translated by Martin Rundkvist states that:

the way in which contract archaeology was created in the 1960s had to do with the expansion of public administration.  There was a need for various kinds of ’social engineer[ing]‘ to find solutions to problems and the goals formulated by polititians.  Research and administration became instrumental and was directed towards attaining chosen goals, regardless of the values these represented or possibly destroyed.

When weighing various interests against each other, science’s social engineers had the task of delivering ‘recipes’ for solutions to the polititians.  The task of contract archaeology, specifically, became to solve the conflict between cultural heritage protection and societal [and economic] development ….

The National Park Service handles the bulk of Cultural Resource Management oversight in the United States.

As Martin so succinctly puts it “contract archaeology exists to solve an internal [political] conflict.”  Acknowledging that legacy does not demean the value of CRM in Sweden or anywhere else.  Instead, it helps those in CRM to recognize that society values both preservation and development, and the conflicts that we experience as CRM practitioners between these two poles are there by design.

Haitian General Toussaint L'Ouverture who led the Haitians to freedom from direct French rule.

When the slaves of Haiti won their independence from their French masters through war in 1804, Napoleon and his French government demanded that the ex-slaves pay reparations in the amount of 150 million francs in gold. That was an enormous sum, and even though it was reduced in 1830 to a mere 60 million francs, it still had the effect of bankrupting the fledgling nation and preventing economic development. Haiti finally paid off this debt plus interest in 1947, but in many important ways, it continues to pay a heavy price for this outrageous burden.

How much was 150 million francs in 1804 in comparison to a contemporary currency? Well, a back of the envelope calculation would be $1.1 trillion in today’s dollars. While that’s only about 13 percent of America’s GDP, that’s nearly one hundred and fifty-seven times Haiti’s 2008 GDP of $6.95 billion.

Given this awesome reparation burden, it’s no surprise that Haiti is the poorest nation in the Western hemisphere, and this doesn’t begin to consider the political, environmental, social, or even financing costs associated with this historic debt burden.

A 2009 Times of London article sums up this legacy well:

France gained the western third of the island of Hispaniola — the territory that is now Haiti — in 1697. It planted sugar and coffee, supported by an unprecedented increase in the importation of African slaves. Economically, the result was a success, but life as a slave was intolerable. Living conditions were squalid, disease was rife, and beatings and abuses were universal. The slaves’ life expectancy was 21 years. After a dramatic slave uprising that shook the western world, and 12 years of war, Haiti finally defeated Napoleon’s forces in 1804 and declared independence. But France demanded reparations: 150m francs, in gold.

For Haiti, this debt did not signify the beginning of freedom, but the end of hope. Even after it was reduced to 60m francs in the 1830s, it was still far more than the war-ravaged country could afford. Haiti was the only country in which the ex-slaves themselves were expected to pay a foreign government for their liberty. By 1900, it was spending 80% of its national budget on repayments. In order to manage the original reparations, further loans were taken out — mostly from the United States, Germany and France. Instead of developing its potential, this deformed state produced a parade of nefarious leaders, most of whom gave up the insurmountable task of trying to fix the country and looted it instead. In 1947, Haiti finally paid off the original reparations, plus interest. Doing so left it destitute, corrupt, disastrously lacking in investment and politically volatile. Haiti was trapped in a downward spiral, from which it is still impossible to escape. It remains hopelessly in debt to this day.

Annie Lowrey of Foreign Policy renews the call to cancel Haiti’s current debt, which is largely the consequence of this historic legacy.

Haiti, as a nation, has suffered violence, unrest, juntas, and natural disasters. One thing it need not suffer anymore, given the earthquake? Its debt obligations.

This September, Haiti qualified for the cancellation of $1.2 billion of its $1.9 billion in external debt. To ensure the recovery of the nation and the livelihoods of its 9 million citizens, the IDB and any other lenders should fully cancel any remaining debt obligations.